*andō

Usually reconstructed from a hysterodynamic Proto-Indo-European *h₂-stem, *h₂énHt-h₂ (nom. sg.) ~ *h₂nHt-éh₂-m (acc. sg.) ~ *h₂nHt-h₂ós (gen. sg.) (de Vaan 2003: 136) . The base *h₂enHt- may contain a t-stem element rather than represent a primary root (Jakob 2024: 169 n. 25). Cognate with Sanskrit आता (ā́tā), Latin antae, and Old Armenian դրանդի (drandi) (Kroonen 2013: 31; Martirosyan 2010: 74–77). Kroonen reconstructs a Verner alternation *anþō- ~ *andō- on the basis of Old Norse ǫnn ~ ǫnd, deriving the alternation from the mobile accent of PIE *h₂énHt-h₂ ~ *h₂nHt-h₂-ós. The evidence is uncertain, however, since ǫnn appears to rest on a disputed interpretation of a single occurrence in Skírnismál 31, where it may instead be the unrelated noun ‘work, harvest season’ (Jónsson 1932: Skírnismǫ́l, v. 31). If so, only ǫnd securely continues this lexeme, and the reconstructed Verner alternation remains speculative. Orel’s alternative comparison with the Proto-Indo-European root *h₂ent- is semantically attractive, but a direct derivation does not account as readily for the internal laryngeal or the Indo-Iranian, Italic, and Armenian evidence; any more remote relationship between the two formations remains uncertain (Orel 2003: 18).